Notions

"Nothing is easier than saying the words: I don’t know", my father used to say. Although his observation is very true, perhaps it also has an implicit passive dimension that employs ignorance to achieve hidden agendas. Egyptian President Adbel Fatah Al Sisi made his first state visit to the USA on 9 April 2019 after being re-elected President in June 2018. The timing can’t be more opportune, considering that in a week or so, a referendum is set to take place to vote on the constitutional amendments that were passed in Parliament last February. The constitutional changes  would essentially allow the incumbent president to remain in power until 2034. The amendments will also  give more prominence to the armed forces and hand the president the power to appoint judges. Donald Trump welcomed Al Sisi and commended the improved relations between the USA and Egypt, and the enhanced efforts to combat terrorism in Egypt. However, when asked about the constitutional amendme

The confinement of officials to their realms of specialisation dictated by their assumed position in government serves a valid purpose: avoiding conflicting, damaging, and embarrassing incidents.   Iran’s Foreign Minister recently complained about the intervention of the Revolutionary Guards in foreign affairs, which led to damaging what has taken years to rebuild: trust in Iran as a rational and sensible actor in international affairs. In Saudi Arabia, Adel bin Jubair was sacked from his post as Foreign Minister following the works on Saudi intelligence that led to international recriminations an accusations of liquidating opponents in broad daylight. What Saudi Arabia had successfuly been able to mask in the past decades through top-notch diplomacy was also ruined by ruthless, abiding tools. Whilst stepping out of your jurisdiction and assuming the role of a true authoritarian with limitless and reign-less powers is usually observed in the Middle East, Romania gave the wor

The strongest justification to allowing Egypt’s probable constitutional amendment is the February 2019 proposal of one-fifth of the House of Representatives to propose legislative changes. The proposed amendment to Article 140 of the Constitution would extend presidential terms from four to six years, and would allow for running for re-election for another two terms – meaning that the incumbent Sisi could stay in office until 2034. The amendments would also grant the President authority to choose the Supreme Constitutional Court’s President and its new members, chairs of all other judicial authorities, and the Public Prosecutor. In other words, the power to choose key figures who play a substantial role in safeguarding the integrity of the judicial system. On 13 February the Parliament will commence discussions to amend the Constitution, and will subsequently decide on behalf of over 80 million Egyptians whether their country would further entrench itself in military rule and po

Journalist and author of A nd Then All Hell Broke Loose: Two Decades in the Middle East   said that “Everything changed with the First World War. The Middle East was reorganized, redefined, and the seeds were planted for a century of bloodshed.” He was not entirely right. Bloodshed lasted more than a century actually. Here we are in 2019, and the Middle East and North Africa region – the infamous MENA – is still a boisterous, rowdy zone of political recrimination, military coups, conspiracy theories, historic reminiscence, oil squabbles, and religiously-infused rhetoric. Blood shed of course as well. Well, here we are.  Algeria is set to head to the polls in April. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika will likely secure a fifth mandate. If not, Algeria’s powerbrokers, mainly the military and powerful business elites will enter into an expensive bargain of security versus social and economic stability. Having vested the long-enjoyed tranquillity on a political figure, rather than a

It is very similar to an old, abandoned, shaky building. The case of Spain that is. Its different storeys and multiple apartments from within have no option other than to endure the troubles caused – purposefully or passively – by other tenants. Those on the lower floors are luckier, as they can avoid fifth floor drama by isolation and compartmentalization of their existence. Those on the fifth floor are also lucky in that they can blame all mishaps and malfunctioning on the basement, and its tenants. It would be physically impossible to pull an apartment out and relocate, but it is quite possible and common to create alliances and parallel systems to manage the unmanageable co-existence. And that is what is happening in Spain. The Catalan region decided to address its financial problems by blaming central mismanagement and southern hedonism. They have and still are demanding a divorce from the Peninsula, with amicable terms with the remaining neighbours. Meanwhile, the

Jean Blondel went into details in Political Parties – The Decline of Parties in Europe – about the perils of patronage in particracies . The exchange of favours and appointments in governmental bodies owing to party calculations and favour exchanges has proven ineffective and non-transparent, whether in majoritarian systems or those of a consensual nature. The mistakes committed by parties in continental Europe throughout the past century have been taken account of, with the hope that as party life develops and new organisational structures emerge, citizens can be spared the inefficiency of their elected governments. What is being exported into the new member countries of the democratic club seems to miss out on these lessons. Theory trumps practicality and experience in the process of introducing democratic systems of governance in these countries. Iraq stands testimony to this very observation. Iraq was ruled for very long years by an Arab-nationalist party that employed

The Trump administration is pursuing a regional security alliance comprised of Egypt, Jordan, and six Gulf Arab states, dubbed as the “Arab NATO.” The organisation will presumably support US efforts in containing and rolling back Iranian influence in the Middle East. To use US jargon: to safeguard against Iranian aggression, terrorism, extremism, totalitarianism and any other isms that come to mind. Tired and broke after a series of military interventions in this sad, troubled region, the Trump administration hopes that the Arab NATO would step in and do the work themselves.   The White House wants to see deeper cooperation between the countries on missile defence, military training, counter-terrorism and other issues such as strengthening regional economic and diplomatic ties. However, the main target is to curb Shiite Iran, by these Sunni partners. The proposal screams failure on many levels, but two dimensions must be explored in this respect:   technical glitches, and mor