Friday, January 30, 2015
Veil or Unveil
The
visit of Michelle Obama to Saudi Arabia to condole Al Saud for their loss
caused vehemence on social networking sites. The first lady was portrayed as an
arrogant, defiant, disgruntled and critical little princess who laughed at Saudi
culture in the face of the royal family. The virgin eyes of many Saudis could
not stand the image of an unveiled lady standing between men in a funeral (the
horror). How dare she? How dare she use her position as the president’s wife to
defy the essence of Saudi social conduct? Slamming the Saudi attire as inappropriate and
feeling relaxed in her wardrobe...the shame.
It
baffles me to see how double standards are so easily accepted in many Arab
states, Saudi Arabia being crowned at the top of the list. The argument used by
some Saudis (not all are closed minded of course – many are enlightened,
educated and civilized) is that when in Rome do what the Romans do. Respecting
the Saudi culture, good or bad, is only polite. Just like Mrs. Obama wore decent
outfits and a veil in her state visit to Indonesia, to show respect to the Islamic
culture, the same act of modesty should have been displayed in the Riyadh
visit.
Their
argument falls short of two important components:
1- Mrs. Obama and the entire female population are not forced
to cover up in Indonesia. The first lady had the choice to either wear a veil – in an act
of respect to the culture- or not. Women in almost all Muslim nations across
the globe are not confined to certain attire, and their relationship with the
veil is governed by their own decision, not the state’s code of clothing. Saudi
women are not given the freedom of choice, and are obliged to cover up from
head to toe in dark baggy abayias to please hard-liners. No Sir,
Michelle Obama will not be coerced into that and will not hide in the background
to avoid confrontation.
2- The argument goes that in a foreign state you must respect
the general cultural. By that token, Saudi woman visiting western states must
also respect the general culture and unveil in order to respect cultural sensitivities.
A veil, which was reduced to a cultural identity rather than an act of modesty
and a demonstration of respect to Islamic tenants, must be treated as such
outside the borders of the Kingdom.
Some
may agree to humour these fundamental, sexist and absolutely ridiculous norms-of-conduct.
Not Michelle Obama, not any woman with a shred of dignity.
Tuesday, January 20, 2015
What Muslims Need to Do
Paris.
The world had it with Islamic militarism… the Charlie Hebdo incident and the
shootings at the Jewish store east Paris were the last straw. World leaders
joined hands in the anti-terror rally in Paris to express solidarity with
victims’ families, renounce violence and reject any form of suppression to the freedom
of expression. EU leaders are also holding meetings to study mechanisms to curb
violent Islamic radicalism. Jewish communities in France and elsewhere in
Europe are being provided extra-protection against possible acts of vengeance and
retaliation. The Israeli government, mourning events, took full advantage of the
situation and ran to the podium to draw parallels between jihadism and
terrorism, ISIS and Hamas and Islamic extremism and the holocaust.
From
the many articles and analysis I read on the matter, one particular op-ed stood
out. The author, the respectable journalist and expert, Dr. AbdelBari Atwan, sympathized
with the victims and renounced all acts of violence. Nonetheless, he demanded
equal treatment to other victims in the same country where the drama was
taking place. He pointed out to the many acts of violence and discrimination against
Muslim citizens in European countries and the hate crimes committed against the
Muslim community in the EU. Fifty mosques in European countries have been burnt
down/attacked in the past few years, and governments have drawn a blind eye to such incidents. In conclusion, the author demanded equal protection for Muslim citizens
against extreme-right wing movements as well as fair media coverage on what the
Muslim community in Europe is suffering from.
I
fully agree with the author’s standpoint. However, there is one important issue that he left out. The nature of the attacks against Muslim communities in European states is
very different form the Paris attack. The former were orchestrated
by independent agents with independent agendas and of diverse ideological affiliations,
rather than acting on a religious doctrine. The world, as it appears, is ready
to forget about crazy people whose acts are based on radical whims, but not
forget those committed by any group operating under Islamic slogans. The fame
of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran’s entire regime and apparatus, Isis, Al Qaeda,
Taliban and Al Shabab have dwarfed the threats posed by any other organized
terror group and rendered them benign. They helped in creating the Islamic bogeyman.
No one
is really scared of Buddhists slaughtering Muslims in Myanmar, nor ETA militants targeting innocent citizens in Spain, nor racist policemen attacking minorities in the USA, nor a Norwegian gunman going on a killing spree, nor sikhists seeking vengeance from
political leaders. The general public is in reality only scared of militant Muslims.
Justified is their fear? Well, yes. It is sadly normal to be suspicious of a bearded man on a metro line or on a plane. The media has fed the audience pure terror, and as an average spectator, I would also be terrified. It is what it is, and it is OK to admit it.
Reza
Aslan, the renowned scholar and author of a series of books on religion, demanded that a distinction be made between Muslims and these scandalous Islamic
organizations and what they represent. He hoped that people can distinguish
between the interpretation of certain regimes of Islamic law and what the religioun
is really about and that Islam not be associated with the practices, teachings
and acts of terrorist groups and autocratic political regimes. Islam, Muslims, Islamic states
and even Islamic militant organizations must not be painted with the same
brush. His
requests are very legitimate and noble. Yet, does the general public have the
time and interest in researching the true tenants of Islam or the struggles of Muslims
against their corrupt governments? Is an average 50 year old residing in a
rural town in Spain willing to draw a comparative analysis of Islam in thought
and practice? No. Who should be responsible to clarify issues then? Muslims.
Unfortunately,
Muslims are now required to do what no other religion or ideology is requested
to do. Muslims are asked to constantly clear the name of Islam and remind the world of the
true teachings, tenants and message behind the religion, renouncing and fighting
all claims that have been associated to it due to terrorist organizations. Muslims,
as a community, are required to remind the world that they are doctors and nurses,
thinkers and linguists, scientists and poets, pilots and inventors. The world
needs to appreciate Muslims and their role in this world beyond the “oil and
credit card” contribution. Muslim doctors are curing Christian patients, Muslim
teachers are educating Jewish students, Muslim aid workers are saving the lives
of Hindus, and Muslim scientists are contributing to science and technology.
Muslims, in general, are doing well and are in
harmony with the world.
There
is a war launched against Islam from within, and the only way to fight it is
from within. Islamic NGOs, youth associations, think tanks, professional organizations
and every civic body must double their efforts to display to the world, through acts
and tangible proof, the true face of Islam. The beautiful face of Islam.
Friday, December 19, 2014
Hero or Foe?
I was in a philosophy class back in
2003 when my professor warned me/gave me a public advice: “you better stop
right now as you already got yourself into too much trouble”. He was referring
to some comments I made – undiplomatic and not-so-eloquently-phrased – about the
Great Arab Revolt in 1916. Probably influenced by a book I read about the Revolt
and how some Arab forces joined hands with the British Empire to topple the
Ottoman rule, I criticised the revolutionary forces, the Hijaz leadership and
their putsch. Back in my idealistic days, I believed that loyalty must
trump interest and that problems should be solved from within, not without. Now
the professor feared for himself perhaps and decided to cut my ramblings short,
considering that those leaderships I was criticizing (strictly in the 1916 context)
were the same leadership ruling the country today (noting that later on I worked
in fact in public institutions loyal to this leadership). In any case, I am
sure my professor meant well and wanted to avoid an unnecessary confrontation
with class mates who would take much offense to my candidacy. Questioning the validity of past decisions,
and stripping policies from “pressures and justifications and good intentions
and nativity and oppression” and all other attributes linked to poor judgments is
a necessary activity. As citizens and governments we should not shy away from re-examining
past actions and evaluating their soundness. The activity should not always be
one that leads to criticism….perhaps they in fact confirm the precision of the
decision reached at the time. A neutral, scientific, cool-headed and factual attitude
in addressing past events is very important… ….agreeing to de-glorify what we
so much enjoyed glorifying is not a shameful act. It restores dignity to the objective
and open mind.
Why this memory? Well, I was reading
a controversial book that day with the title “Spies Against Armageddon”, a
pro-Israel book that - in my modest opinion - lacks a tone of humility and
objectivity. In one of the chapters, the authors refer to the case of a double
agent who worked for the Israeli Mosssad (intelligence) whilst feeding Egypt
false intelligence information at the same time. This double agent was first
recruited by Egypt to spy on Israel but then Israel recruited him to serve as a
double agent. What both stories agree on is that the spy, Rafat Al Jamal, was born
in Egypt, recruited by the Egyptian intelligence, resided in Europe for a while
and then immigrated to Israel under a false identity where he established
himself as an important businessman. So far so good. Now the story changes; according
to the Egyptian version – the one I grew up with and the one I so much enjoying
watching on TV as it was converted to a famous series - Rafat was a shrewd agent who spied with much
talent and sent Egypt periodic reports. He even helped out in the Six Days War
in 1967 by sending information to Egypt about the day Israel would attack. He also
played a role in the 1973 war and was an exemplary citizen of nationalism,
heroism and servitude to the Arab nation and cause. How impressed was I with
that national hero.
Now, the book. According to the Israeli
version, Rafat was caught spying on Israel by the Mossad and was given a
choice. He either rots in jail for the rest of his life, or he accepts the
offer to work as a double agent. He took the latter option and was recruited by
the Mossad. Egypt was under the false impression that he was still a loyal
agent, and he, to maintain the façade and avoid drawing suspicion, continued
sending information to Egypt (albeit useless and marginal). According the book,
he did in fact help out in the 1967 war and did inform Egypt about the date of the
attack. But instead of telling them that Israel had planned to strike the air
force, he told them that Israel will launch ground operations, hence the decision
of Egyptian generals to leave fighter planes in the open. Of course, this
deviation of attention immensely helped Israel in the war, giving it an upper
hand after destroying the entire Egyptian air force in an eye-blink. Thank you
Rafat.
I am not suggesting that the Israeli
version is true. But what would have been nice was allowing the audience to
decide…give them the opportunity to decide…to learn the facts…to hear both
sides of the story. Shielding the Arab sentiment from disappointment has been proven to be extremely destructive. Whether it is about the 1967 war, the Arab Revolt or any
other key event in the Arab history, narration must be neutral, responsible and
modest. I would like to believe that Rafat served his country and the Arab
world, and that Israeli narrations stem from spite and embarrassment. But what
I desire and what actually happened are totally different issues. I love the
truth, good or bad, and I would like to have the facts to reach a sound
decision. In all cases, whether the Egyptian version were right or wrong, I
believe that national glory and pride do not reside in one person nor in one
plot, but in the nation’s ability to remain proud despite mistakes, deceptions
and self-criticism.
Saturday, December 13, 2014
Quatre Efff: France's Foreign Friendships Fueds
Marine Le pen’s interview with
Euronews on December 1st was – unfortunately – impressive. The
notorious leader of the anti-EU Front Nationale, who never shies away from protecting
the French identity and interests at any cost – is an important
contender for the presidential elections set for 2014. Her stances on the international
and regional spheres were clear, direct and confidant. Her over-confidence and conviction
in what she stands for and how she will translate these convictions into policies
pose a challenge to the consistence of France’s foreign policy. Incremental politics?
No cheri.
Le Pen
said in her interview that she admires Putin’s “cool head”. She acknowledged
that there is a cold war being waged against him by the EU at the behest of
United States, defending the rights of Crimean citizens to take back the 1954
gift and return it to its natural owners and condemning the ousting of Viktor
Yanukovich and the illegitimate government that came after the putsch.
In the calm Middle Eastern front, Le Pen also questioned the validity of French
intervention in the war against the ISIS (ISIL), and categorically
refused to join a coalition that has Saudi Arabia and Qatar as members, considering
that they are one of the financers of Islamic fundamentalism. And finally, Le
Pen said straight out: “I doubt everything the Americans say. Is that clear?
Whatever the Americans say is questionable”.
These positions reflect
absolute divergence from the current French foreign policy, a policy that is
accepted and supported by the majority of the French people. Despite
opposition, the French people elected a legislature and a president who took
certain stances on foreign affairs, assuming that such policies defend the French
interests and ideals. When the Peace Camp military base was inaugurated by
Sarkozy, it reflected France’s commitment to help defend Arab Gulf countries against
an Iranian attack and is still serving France’s foreign relations in its use as
a base for France’s participation in the US-led anti-ISIS coalition in Iraq.
Moreover, it is a clear message to the USA that Franc is on-board to fight terrorism
and is committed to establishing security of the region. France and Saudi
Arabia also cooperate on a number of files, whether in commercial relations, diplomatic
relations or common interest in the Syrian file. This fanatical terrorism financing
cleric regime is not as monstrous as Le Pen paints it be, at least in Holland’s
eyes. On the Russian front, France condemned Russia’s stance and acts in
Crimea, and joined the EU /NATO coalition against the Russian bear.
Should Le Pen be elected as
president in two years time, a major shift in foreign policy is expected. And so
is confusion. However, I don’t know who would be more confused, the international
community or the French themselves.
Saturday, December 6, 2014
UN$C
New
rounds of talks took place between Iran and the United Nations Security Council’s
Permanent five members (USA, Russia, France, UK and China) and Germany in Oman
in November. The meeting set a November 24th deadline to reach an
agreement with Iran and its nuclear program, where in exchange of lifting economic
sanctions, Iran must draw back on its nuclear activities. The deadline was not
met, and no one cared really. Before going into that, a brief historic review
of Iran and nuclear aspirations will be presented first.
Iran,
under the Shah regime, was a western ally. Israel and Iran in fact were
buddies. The nuclear program (for civilian purposes) started back then in the fifties
and sixties and Israel even offered to help Iran out – an offer snubbed for some
reason by Tehran. International cooperation was also offered to Iran, and
things went smoothly and peacefully. The Islamic Revolution in 1979 changed everything
however, and Iran was no longer the region’s watchdog. The cleric regime shifted
the balance of regional power and alliances, and imposed a new set of ideals
and national aspirations and orientations. This new ideology affected all
aspects of Iranian life, including the scientific sphere, where the nuclear
programme was at first disparaged and rejected by the Ayatollahs as being anti-Islamic,
considering that any plan to create a weapon that would annihilate people indiscriminately
is against the tenants of a benevolent religion (those were the days). Yet,
politics trumped ethics, and Khomeini changed his stance on the nuclear issue,
viewing the design of a nuclear bomb as a necessity to maintain security and
protect the Islamic state. The program was back on again, and nuclear scientists
went back to their labs to resuscitate the project. Despite international efforts
to sabotage Iran’s nuclear programme (in particular Israel’s meddling with
plans and manuals and later on introducing software defects) the programme was
not halted. Assassinations of scientists, imposition of sanctions and embargoes,
and supporting the green revolution were all futile efforts, and the programme
is still ongoing.
Against
this determination and defiance, Israel threatened on numerous occasions to
level the nuclear enrichment sites in Iran, but since the boy cried wolf many a
time, no one is taking Israeli threats seriously. The USA has also shied away
from military confrontation or supporting Israel in any military operation, while
peaceful Europe has been measuring its options. The wisdom of the USA and the
EU bore fruit in November 2013 when an agreement was inked between the UNSC and
Iran on its nuclear program, each side giving and committing to concessions.
This year was to see actual progress on the understanding reached last year,
where Iran would further halt nuclear enrichment, and the November talks were
held for that purpose.
Now
the whole humouring Iran and its leadership is not based on fear of Iran’s backlash
against an attack (although it is a factor), nor its ability to close off a
major strait in the Persian/Arab gulf against international commerce (also a
factor), nor polite diplomacy (definitely not a factor); the reason is
economics. This interest is shared by both governments and businessmen. Western
investors received the news of talks and the possibility of concluding a final
deal with much enthusiasm, visiting Iran shortly afterwards in search of investment
and business opportunities. As the Chief US nuclear negotiator with
Iran Wendy Sherman said: “as soon as sanctions are suspended, the world
will flood into Iran”.
The
western world’s indulgence of Iran and its programme and its conditions efforts
to curb its programme peacefully whilst offering it an economic break is
understandable for two reasons. First, Iran proved not to be an illogical,
irrational and fanatical regime, as despite the rhetoric applied now and again,
the country did not engage in any acts of aggression and in fact collaborated
with its sworn enemy in controlling the Iraqi scene. Second, Iran is a gold
mine, both for resources (both material and human) and location, and investors
do need to dig into Iran’s business scene. Now Iran’s patience with the West
and its intentional prolongation of talks is not based merely on its plans to
win time (talking and enriching at the same time), but also on a geo-strategic
and political card it is wittingly holding. Iran realizes a few important
things: Israel will not attack, the US will not help Israel should it attack,
Iran is key in maintaining security in Iraq, the US needs Iran to keep Shiite
forces in the region in check, the Syrian regime listens to very few – and Iran
is one of the privileged few, and the West is interested in Iran’s economic opportunities
and oil (especially in light of what is happening in Russia and the possible consequences
of oil supply as a retaliation to any sanctions imposed on the patient bear). Iran,
as much as it wants the sanctions eased, is faring well and is no hurry to obey
orders in return for rolling back sanctions. The revolution did not work, the economy
is struggling but still hanging on, and the people learned how to live under
constant economic pressures. It can wait.
Politics
is not a product of good will but pure interest, economic interest in
particular. Swallowing one’s pride and scaling back on the freedom and democracy
rhetoric is a strategy that worked in the past and will work now. Meeting the November
deadline was worrying the West more than Iran, as the former has got more to
lose. So basically what the West is telling Iran: do what we say, and in
return, we will let you let us benefit from your much needed resources. Human rights,
democracy, anti-Semitism and the like are not important now. Tehran realized
the position it has put the West in and decided to stall….just as a wise Iranian
proverb goes: A drowning man is not troubled by rain.
Sunday, November 16, 2014
Spring Fling
The Arab Spring swept the Arab world and its regimes
by surprise in 2011 when a Tunisian activist inspired millions of Arabs to rise
against dictators and authoritarian regimes. Many countries in North Africa and
the Middle East took their lead from the Tunisian popular revolt, and soon
Egypt, Libya and Syria witnessed mass demonstrations demanding change, whilst
other countries witnessed softer forms of manifestations that called on reforms
and democratization. Unfortunately, and after three years of the initiation of
the Arab Spring, only Tunisia found itself stable, quasi-democratic and on the
path of reform. Things did not turn out the same in other countries, and the
process of regime change and democratization has failed. Challenges facing each
country vary, and conditions on the ground do play a role in hindering any
assistance offered by the international community to assist countries in reforming
and opening up to democracy. Three examples will be offered in this context,
highlighting the difficulty that each country faces and the hurdles that the
regimes in these countries impose on any form of assistance - technical or
financial – to reform the political system.
1.
Jordan
Jordan has embarked upon a political reform
programme since 2005, with the adoption of the Natioanl Agenda, and has since
been active in reforming the political system and responding to popular
demands, especially after the popular movements’ initiative that mimicked the
Arab Spring in other Arab countries. Despite some steps taken by the government
in that direction, Jordan remains a semi-liberal autocracy with the
King concentrating both executive and legislative powers. Given the tribal
nature of the society, the King’s leadership and the regime’s legitimacy were
never challenged, but was has been repeatedly demanded and continuously advised
upon by both Jordan citizens and by the international community is the
empowerment of the legislature. The EU, under the ENP, has allocated a
financial package under the ENPI 2007-2013 dedicated to promoting the role of
the parliament and indirect assistance to political parties in this field. The
project reaped very modest results, given the challenges that face the country.
The challenges facing any initiative of project to strengthen and empower the
legislature to assume its role as a democratic representative of the people
are:
·
Laws and
regulations that limit the parliament’s power and place it under the King’s
complete control, noting that the King can dissolve the parliament at any
moment and without requiring a justification. Moreover, the parliament serves
as an entity that passes laws rather than promulgating them, acting therefore
as mere administration office for draft laws its receives from the prime
ministry. The power to question ministers and reject policies has been dwarfed
throughout the years, and any attempt to oppose the general policies taken by
the government would threaten the continuity of the parliament and the status
of its members before the regime. Therefore, attempting to empower a
legislature and engaging its members in capacity building programmes has thus
far reaped futile results, considering that the core problem – the legal aspect
– has not been addressed.
·
The problem of immigrants,
Arab refugees and particularly Palestinian refugees in the country. At the
moment, Jordan hosts over two million refugees from various nationalities. Moreover
the Palestinian community in Jordan, registered as refugees at UNRWA or not,
outnumber the Jordanian community (representing over 60% of the population).
The issue of political loyalty, identification with Jordanian local concerns,
solidarity and sense of belonging is lacking amongst the great majority of
citizens/residents. The regime’s response to the situation, and in an act of
protecting itself and its continuity, explain why political freedoms and
political plurality are much feared and controlled. A neutralized and silenced
legislature with little powers may be considered as a survival strategy for a
regime that fears the escalation of events in the region and the reaction of
the non-Jordanian community if empowered.
·
The growing
fundamentalist Islamic current in Jordan. The Islamic Liberation Party that has
need since the 1950s is still present in Jordan gaining popularity in rural and
impoverished area. The number of salafi groups and independent activists
affiliated with the ISIS fighters is on the rise, signally to the regime that
exerting further pressure and control over political movements and monitoring
their access to the legislature is a necessity. Should there be open elections
and should the parliament be given its full powers, these fundamentalist actors
will pose a danger to national peace.
·
The nature of the
Jordanian society that remains a tribal and traditional one, respecting the
hierarchy rules and the figure of the patriarch pose a great difficulty to any
reform agenda and any attempt to empower the people and give them the change to
take part in political activity. Whether as voters or as members of parliament,
the local population still depends of family ties and social relations and
kinship in their political dealings.
2.
Egypt
Egypt’s 2011 revolution brought much hope to the
people, not only in Egypt but the entire Arab world. The stepping down of the
president in 2011, the amendment of the constitution and the celebration of
elections on December 2011 were signs that Egypt was heading in the right
direction. However, in January 2012, the Islamists won the elections with a
very modest majority. The presidential elections confirmed the notion that
Egyptians still did not know where they stand in terms of democracy, where an
Islamist candidate and a candidate from the Mubarak regime both won the
majority of votes. The election of the Islamic president was frowned upon by
both national and regional actors and the power struggle led to the June 2013
military coup ousting the President and his party. The military General Al Sisi
won the elections in May 2014 and in a blink of an eye Egypt went back to the
Mubarak era. Only last week was a new national security adviser appointed, Ms.
Abu Al Naja, who was one of Mubark’s closest advisers and who was criticized
for allowing human rights violations in the 2011 revolution. The main challenge
facing Egypt is twofold: for one part, the military regime that has taken power
since the 1950s has been infiltrated in all institutions and has been accepted
as the status quo. Viewed as a lesser evil in comparison with the Islamists,
the military establishment rules with an iron fist, controlling all aspects of
the political apparatus. The lack of political options led the Egyptian society
to endorse a regime it detested, yet a regime that is strong and that can curb
the spread of fundamentalism, or endorse a party that promises nothing but an
authoritarian system masked behind a theological slogan. The second issue
facing democracy promotion in Egypt is the impoverishment of its citizens.
According to studies, citizens with meagre economic means tend to focus more on
economic aspects of their lives rather than engage in political activity.
Despite that fact that a democratic system would ensure a dignified living standard,
illiteracy and extreme poverty amongst a large proportion of the society (along
with extremist ideological and fundamentalist views) convince citizens
otherwise.
3.
Lebanon
Lebanon can be considered as one of the very few
democracies in the Middle East. Political parties are strong and have their
affiliated, competing freely in elections and engaging in political debated in
complete freedom. Furthermore, political and religious tolerance set Lebanon
apart from its neighbours. However, the extreme political diversity in the
country, the lingering civil war anger sentiments, the occupation of lands in
the south and the division of the society upon sectarian lines have rendered the
task of electing a president impossible. The tenure of the current president,
Michael Suleiman, has ended in May 2014, and five times has the government
failed to elect a new leader. The reason behind that is the political division
of the two main currents or blocs: the 14 of March group and the 8 of March
group. With parties in each bloc
standing firm and insisting on not compromising, the wedge between the two
sides is digging deeper and parties are converting little by little into a
one-man-show. Lebanon is an example of a paralyzed democracy, where the parties
do not need empowerment, but need to adopt a strategy to overcome stalemates.
The main challenge in fostering democracy in Lebanon is the issue of regional
alliances of its parties, Hezbollah and its militia, a turbulent and powerful
neighbour (Syria), and the divisions within the society, converting the country
into small patches inhabited by segments of the society who fiercely defend
their ethnicity and religious affiliation at the cost of democracy and
compromise.
The Arab Spring has turned into a cold cold
winter, and all hopes pinned on reform and democratization have been washed
away by tornadoes of violence, terrorism, civil wars, fear and dangerous
indifference. It was indeed a spring fling...a flirtation with reform, a tease. Perhaps what is needed after all is not a spring but a raving ocean.
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