Woooman!

   

    A Jordanian friend of mine, who happens to be living in the Middle Eastern business hub – UAE, made this comment yesterday as we were speaking over the phone: “In Amman, street harassment is becoming more and more common….the comments slapped on women walking down the street are just degrading and infuriating. I had to ask my wife to cover up to avoid problems on our vacation”. Now this issue hits a sensitive cord, especially since extremism in neighbouring countries – almost always being first manifested by attacking/controlling and objectifying women – is a phenomenon that may be contagious. This testosteronian craze taking place in regional countries is not only shameful, but also alarming. Egypt topped the ranking of the worst countries for women's rights in the Arab world, attributed to escalating sexual harassment. Salafism in Saudi Arabia is still prevalent and despite efforts to suppress features of womanhood under loose baggy dark garments, women do receive their share of street harassment, albeit contently. As for Iraq and Syria, the displacement of thousands and their refuge in camps have led to a rise in the testosterone level of men and their loss of control before the minimum display of a feminine feature. The Islamic State may have its street whistlers under control, but women of other faith are considered war spoils and are sold as sex slaves. These phenomena have a series of factors explaining them, but what these countries are passing through and the conditions that have attributed to this situation of out-of-control ogling and leering, are simply not present in Jordan. So what has happened?

   Jordan is suffering from economic woes, regional chaos, political (regional and to a certain extended local) turmoil and social unrest. Nonetheless, and despite rising extremism and fundamentalism, the society still is conservative and does not cross the line of over-harassing women. Street calling, whistling, ogling, gawking and catcalling are a reality, but it stops there- for now. The scary question is whether this innocent street harassment will persist or would it escalate to a serious situation where the side-walk would convert to a hostile and dangerous place for women. Will the Jordanian street become a lewd one? Men and boys are showing signs of sexual thirst, and whether this is something related to regional conditions, religious extremism (whereas indecent women deserve to be harassed), cultural confusion or social anger is unclear. What is clear however is the need to address this issue as soon as possible before it grows into something else and Jordan is ranked alongside Egypt in harassment polls.

Among the many steps that can be taken to address this issue is one to be taken jointly by the government and Jordanian expatriates. In search for economic opportunities or a chance to live in more peaceful and liberal countries, many intellectual, cultured and bright minds left Jordan and relocated elsewhere in the world. This class of people is reflecting a very positive image of Jordan in their host countries but is draining Jordan’s resources of progressive and moderate actors. The cultural role played by these individuals is of utmost importance, and the society is in much need of a boost of liberal thought and action to set itself back on track. The government in this sense has a major responsibility in luring expats back to Jordan. Take the example of India for instance, founding an entire ministry concerned with emigrants, or the case of New Zealand which established the Kiwi Expat Association- a PPP that connects New Zealanders in the world through social actions and keeps them connected with the mother land. France and Germany did not forget about their expats and reserved parliamentary seats for them. Jordan must follow the example and keep its citizens residing abroad within arm’s reach. Even if these expats chose not to return, their connection with Jordan and the role they place when on vacation in the country is also important. We need liberal independent women who refuse to be scared into covering up, who would face all street harassment with courage and determination to change this pathetic reality, who would carry with them the thoughts and ideals acquired abroad to the Jordanian street, and who would remind the male Jordanian youth the morals upon which the society was founded: that of respect to women and their bodies. Books and lectures will not suffice; action on the ground is a key requirement. 

To conclude, change must happen and must be led by the victims themselves who happen to be liberal uncovered women. Whatever this class of men is going through at the moment it would not disappear in an act of magic. Effort is required, and we are all responsible for this change. I will quote ma verse from the holy Quran (Chapter 13 sūrat l-raʿd (The Thunder)) that reminded people that for change to happen, people must change. 

"For each one are successive [angels] before and behind him who protect him by the decree of Allah. Indeed, Allah will not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves. And when Allah intends for a people ill, there is no repelling it. And there is not for them besides Him any patron".

Gaza and Change

           

  The recent avalanche of studies, analysis, opinions, historic exploration, clarification missions and social media frenzy about the ever-so-popular and polemical topic of the Middle East all come against the backdrop of a brutal and senseless act of vengeance in the Gaza strip that is draped with a military façade of Israeli self-defence. The Arab world enunciated a Facebook war on the Israeli aggression and countless videos have been posted, shared and commented on by sympathizers. Newspapers, columnists, professors, journalists, scholars, bloggers and activists all had their share in the action. They all buttressed the same cause, that of saving innocent lives, but employed different angles to approach the issue. Some craftily penned their analysis of the situation only to reconfirm the status quo and the reasons behind this stalemate; others had better intentions at heart and tried to come up with explications to why things are the way they are. Interesting articles have been posted in prestigious publications, citing the example of The Economist, where a three-page-article explained why the Arab Spring failed and what has gone wrong in this region. This topic of course touched on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in general, going back in time to colonial days and moving on to modern days of patriarchal rule, the political-Islam wave and socio-economic factors that hampered democracy building. The historic aspect is almost always present in any article of the same nature. Other interesting articles explained how Muslims should not be blamed for Jewish suffering, one even referring to Albanian charitable acts when protecting and hiding Jews in their household in the thirties and forties of the past century. Other op-eds and analytical articles tried to shed light on Israeli expansionist plans and every intention to Swiss-cheese the Palestinian territories and annihilate the entire Palestinian population slowly, and then defend/justify what is happening in Gaza. Islam, Al Qaeda, ISIS, terrorism, Arab nationalism, Fateh, Zionism, holy war, Nazis, Hamas, Egypt’s Al Sisi, Arab reactionary states and of course international oblivious attitude were amongst the most popular themes covered when addressing the Israeli attack. Young, indignant and heated Arabs’ calls for death to all Jews and fully fledge jihad against the Israeli state have been employed as a let -off-some-steam consoling and solidarity activity, which, as expected, was completely void and reaped zero results (and thank God for that).

   So now what? After all the posted videos, all the historical aspects of the conflict explained and all the injustices done to Palestinians portrayed, what is the end result? As useful as these studies and angles of explaining the conflict are, and as equally important the sporadic acts of support (via charities, NGOs, government initiatives, international intervention) are,  I think it is about time to admit what many (especially Arabs) hate to admit:

1: Israel won. Game-over. No re-matches. The state of Israel exists, it is democratic, it is blooming economically, its population is growing, it has been accepted by the international community as a partner, it hosts industrial plants for international mega brands, international player in the financial market, and it is flourishing in arts, music, sports and technology. It is also willing and working on expanding and annexing more lands, just like many countries across the universe, albeit indirectly and under other pretexts.

2: The myth of Arab nationalism and collective action must die. Let us all announce jihad on that please. Arab states never acted collectively for any cause, and will never do. Needless it is to mention that this is also applicable to Islamic states. Palestinians must act alone. Completely alone. PLO was recognized in 1974 as the sole legal representative of the Palestinians for a reason, the reason is crystal clear: Palestinians must assume the responsibility of their lands. Arab states did their share in creating this mess, so perhaps asking them to stay out of it would reverse some of the bad done.

3: Point two applicable to the international community as well. Leave Russians and Americans alone. If they want to get involved, fine, but do not cry out for their help or interference.

4: History is history. No need to go back to Salahil Deen’s wars and restoration of an all-encompassing Palestine. Nor is it necessary to demonize Germans and their European accomplices in the Jewish issue, and fret over how everyone was conspiring against Arabs in WWII. The damage is done. Deal with it.

5: Hamas, whether a militant organization, a militarized party, an off-shoot of Muslim Brotherhood or a puppet organization controlled by regional regimes is a failure. It failed on all levels. It has not brought any solutions on the ground. Gazans still suffer, no economic alleviation, no political advances, no democratic practices and not one fulfilled promise has been achieved. From a purely political perspective, no one should vote for Hamas in any election, and the organization must die-off slowly.

     So now that we established that Palestinians must act alone, no need for historic grievances, absolutely no need for Arab aid, Israel’s evil plans and plots can be ignored for a while and Hamas must go, something must happen. That thing is the secret to the solution of the problem once and for all. Political awareness and democratization. New parties with educated leaderships must start leading Gazans and Palestinians in general. Educated, informed, pragmatic and calculated visionary political actors are needed. Those will carry the much much needed task of raising public awareness, of telling people the truth, of galvanizing support to a political and arms-free solution and to make people believe that change is only possible when change is in fact initiated. Gazans cannot expect to employ the same failing techniques over and over again and expect change. Justice and injustice are not the issue here. Whether Hamas' cause is moral and its acts stem from all the wrong that has been done to the Palestinians is also irrelevant at the moment. Whether Israel if the devil itself is also irrelevant (noting that many Israelis oppose thier government's actions). What is relevant is a solution. A solution that is sustainable, that is achievable and that can save what can be saved.

     It pains me to defend surrender, but maybe surrendering a little bit is needed. Should we be living in a just world, Palestine would be free, and Jews and Arabs should be sharing the land and jointly and fairly administering it. They would be no apartheid states. There would be no injustices, there would be no more hundreds of thousands of orphans nor just as many grieving mothers. There would be no separation walls, no check points, no suicidal training camps, no human rights violations and no war seasons. But these do exist, and are tolerated by the entire world. The proof to that is that nothing and no one is stopping them. That is the reality of the issue. Should the popular belief that Israel would not stop before it chases away all Arabs from West Bank, Israel and Gaza, then maybe now is the time to change the strategy long followed and try a new approach. Just because Israelis successfully won their land in the 1940s by employing guerrillas attacks against Great Britain to gain independence does not mean that this strategy will work today. Change is needed, and it has to come from within.

So back to political parties. Some hope can be pinned on a system that nurtures democracy. Israelis will not suddenly lift all embargos from the Strip, allow free movement, free political prisoners and ease procedures to access Gaza and create businesses in it, but it will have to admit that Gazans are following demcoractic and peaceful means to solve the historic crisis. The rhetoric of killing all Jews and vengeance to every dead Palestinian would stop, and a more mature and reasonable political discourse would follow. Slowly, the population will catch on, and with correct management of funds and resources, education and awareness building will make Gazans more innovative and tenacious in their quest for independence and dignified lives. This can never be achieved without collective action, and that action needs to be addressed via activists with a political identity: parties. 

It is not too late. Change is possible. But it is not miraculous. That is why the first step is to get rid of the dominating political force that has failed to achieve any real goal, and create new leaderships that can create change. From there on, the tradition must carry on, just as a Portuguese proverb says: Politicians and diapers should be changed frequently and all for the same reason. 

Where Can I Apply for an IS Visa for the Wife and Kids?

     

      The leader of the notorious Islamic State of Iraq and Syria has finally achieved the minimum requirements to establish his state: occupied areas in Iraq and Syria, controlled check points at regional borders, thousands of followers from salafists worldwide, access to oil and resources, decent weaponry confiscated from Americans and promised state/personal funding (controversial is the source). That is why the group’s leader’s announcement of his appointment as the khalifa of all Muslims, after having established/revived the Khilafa in the Levant, crowned the triumphant trajectory of the ISIS throughout the past year or so (as a fully independent group).

 

     The establishment of an Islamic State, led by the new Khalifa Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi, and the call for immigration to the new State should be very worrying as the idea does appeal to many. The foundations of a state are present: land, check; resources, check; army, check; philosophical base of founding the state; check; promises of guaranteed economic well-being and social justice with the enforcement of divine rules, check; a political system based also on divine revelations and interpretations, also check. ISIS, after all , managed to achieve what other salafist groups, mainly Al Qaeda, failed to. It founded an Islamic state (and is not worried about UN recognition) whose foundations appeal to the oppressed and the poor, a state that gives hope to the many who have been done injustice, and promises dignity of a nation that has long been suffering oppression, utilization, exploitation and humiliation.

 

     The Sunday call of the Al Baghdadi on all Muslims to immigrate to the newly established state should be taken very seriously by regional and international authorities; signs of actual support and allegiance to the group have already been demonstrated with the affiliation of thousands with the Group….having a state where they can call the shots and practice/enjoy full sovereignty should be just as popular.  But then agaon, how worried should these countries be? When Muslims in the UK, Spain, France, USA, Jordan, Chechnya, Indonesia and other countries across the globe  who sympathize with the ISIS hear the call, how will they react? Will they pack and leave?

    The main question is the following: how attractive would it be for a jihadist to uproot his family from a safe and stable country (despite economic woos and other complaints) and start anew in the new Islamic State? When it comes to the practicality of the issue, when all rhetoric fades, when the urge to kill and put mortal combat techniques in practice dwindles, and when fighters choose to take a rest and go back home for a while (as many do), will the Islamic State still be an attractive alternative to one’s won homeland? Nearly one hundred years have passed since the existence of an all-encompassing Islamic Empire, during which nation-states have been up and functioning…do these one hundred years not have any impact on the preference of citizens’ lifestyles? Is it not too early to tear down borders and mesh people together under the name of Islam? Are these questions considered by ISIS followers and their families?

 

    The ISIS perhaps did not take into account the psychological aspect of human behaviour, considering that rhetoric and heroic slogans - as attractive as they may be -  reflect differently on actual day-to-day life styles. Did they not see how miserably the Taliban movement failed and how many rejected its doctrine? A movement – no matter how supreme and idealistic and acceptable its slogans are – should separate what people say and believe and what they actually are ready to do.

 

     The few coming months are critical; immigration to the Islamic State is possible as the ISIS controls many border check points and can, for a while, sustain an economy and provide basic services. Perhaps regional countries' dilemma would be whether they should let these enthusiasts leave and never come back, where they can suffer from their own poor choices and what becoming an IS citizen means, or, as always championed in this blog, try to win their people back by carrying out promised political and economic reforms, guaranteeing a dignified life and therefore rendering IS completely unnecessary. If not, then please expedite the inauguration of an IS embassy or a consulate for visa services.

Ps: please note that I am very proud of my Islamic heritage. Many Islamic states today, and most Islamic empires before, have contributed generously to the world, serving as the heartland of science, philosophy and art. Islam was, is and will always be an elegant and peaceful way of life…a divine revelation that blessed us. These fundamentalists will never speak in the name of Islam and will never represent believers. 

You Give Islam a Bad Name

    The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is a Jihadist militant group established in the early years of the Iraq War and pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda in 2004. The group, which launched a war against the regime in Iraq, the western forces, liberal leaders, Shiites, Christians, Jews, non-believers, capitalists…. in short a war against everyone has been gaining ground in both Iraq and Syria. Ironically, the Group’s initials coincide with the Egyptian goddess Isis who symbolized nature and magic and befriended slaves, sinners and the downtrodden.

    In April 2013 ISIS expanded its operations to include Syria, where nearly 6000 of its fighters are in Iraq and 5000 are in Syria. Its strict moral code has led to the killing of thousands and the crucifixion of dozens; its atrocities are out of the scope of this article and in all cases their posted videos suffice. The Group captured Mosul, most of Nineveh, towns surrounding Baghdad, Ramadai, Faluja, Tikrit and more, and managed to infiltrate into Syria just perfectly where it not only confronts the regime, but Jabhed Al Nsura (al Qaeda affiliate group) itself as well. Its radicalism has even been been criticized by the leader of Al-Qaeda himself who said, according to the Economist, that the Group’s violent habits of committing public beheadings and positing videos of its activities was giving al-Qaeda a bad name.

   Delving into what went wrong in the Syrian and Iraqi systems, the catastrophic consequences of the western intervention in the region and why radicalization has become very much entrenched in the Middle Eastern society is a bit too late right now and would not really serve an immediate purpose. It is what it is and no one can change the past. What is much needed at the moment nonetheless is a concentrated effort by local actors and the international community to change the course of events in the region. Sending more arms is only helping the weapons industry and the militants themselves who are a) multiplying by the second and b) not frightened of the idea of dying as martyrs for their cause. Neither weapons nor armies are strong or abundant enough to uproot a belief. In this case, the radical and manipulated version of an Islamic way of life is the motor behind the activities of such actors and their ideological and philosophical base. The excuse that ISIS fighters are using is that the situation in Arab and Muslim states is one of exploitation of citizens, diversion from the rules of God and complete obedience to western secular thought. To correct that, Islamic sharia (their version) must be applied. It is no coincidence that the Group picked Iraq and then Syria as their starting points for their Islamic empire, as the internal chaos is a perfect recipe to carry out a modern and fully-fledged Islamic futuuhat (conquests). Their argument is sadly true: most Arab regimes are corrupt, autocratic, unethical and straight out exploitive. Societies live in extreme poverty where differences in class and income are monumentally huge. The acceptance of the apartheid state of Israel as a given, the indifference to Palestinian suffering, the enslavement of the working class and the conversion of regimes into mere proxies for western powers are realities that no one can deny. ISIS' expostulations are valid. Their magical radical/fanatical Islamic solution nonetheless is not. And this is where the solutions to the ISIS problem should start from.

   The dual track that is being suggested to address these fanatics must start with changing the societies’ perception of what an Islamic state is, the way of achieving it and what it is really based on. Banning cigarettes, lashing offenders, crucifying traitors and terrorizing people are not the religion’s foundations. Muslim clerics, teachers, preachers and scholars must all agree – in coordination with the state and civil actors – on a curriculum to follow in their teachings of the true basis of Islam. Whether in schools, mosques, TV programmes, radio shows, local activity or any public debate, a clarification of what Islam is and was (when applied correctly centuries ago) must be employed. It may take some time, but a change in public understanding of the tenants of a religion and the way it has been manipulated will serve as the best counterattack. The number of affiliates and supporters of such fanatic groups would eventualy fall, and instead of guns, books would have even used. The other track would be a political one, where a serious international approach to help eradicate all undemocratic and autocratic regimes must be followed. Wealth distribution, welfare, public well-being, equality and political participation would bring an end to an era of enslavement and injustice. Systems need to be reformed so as for societies to grow and flourish and realize – by themselves – that such radical liberation movements are highly unnecessary. It cannot be that we still live in an age where masses are being pushed into accepting the idea of ISIS to save them from their politicians. A solution is needed, and it is needed right now.

Perhaps what is been suggested and projected is very optimistic, but as Winston Churchill once said: I am an optimist. It does not seem too much use being anything else. 

السيادة في العالم الغربي و العالم العربي

يشكل القرن السابع عشر أهمية بالغة في التاريخ الغربي حيث ظهرت في هذا الوقت الملامح الرئيسية للدولة الغربية الحديثة. كانت الخطوة الأولى تدمير المفهوم التقليدي للمجتمع (من معالمه التوحيد الديني المسيحي) بعد سلسلة من الحروب الدينية بين الدول الأوروبية، بلغت ذروتها في حرب الثلاثين عاما و المعاهدة بين الدول الأوروبية بعدم العودة إلى الحرب لأسباب دينية.

خلال هذه الحروب، اعترف مختلف المفكرين أن الناس في حاجة الى سلطة لتنظيم مجتمعاتهم دون الاكتفاء بسلطة دينية مشتركة. ونتيجة لذلك، تم تأكيد على سيادة الشعب، وبدأ حكم القانون والحكم الدستوري يرى النور.

في سياق ما كان يحدث في القرن السابع عشر، مثل توماس هوبز الفكر الجديد حول السيادة. كتابه The Leviathan روّج فكرة وضع حد للطائفة المسيحية التقليدية كأساس للحياة السياسية والاجتماعية، وإدخال المجتمع الجديد، أكثر عقلانية على أساس اتفاق بين المواطنين. الهدف الأمثل هو تحقيق السلام بين المواطنين وترسيخ الأمن الداخلي والخارجي. هوبز يضع مسألة طاعة السلطة كموضوع رئيسي من النظرية السياسية حول السيادة، حيث   ممثل السيادة لديه الحقوق التالية: الولاء الحصري،  استسلام المعارضين للغالبية لإعلان دولة ذات سيادة، لا يمكن أن يكون ممثل السيادة غير عادل، لا يمكن الحكم عليه بالإعدام، يمكنه تحديد الأفكار المقبولة ويمكنه فرض رقابة على المذاهب المعارضة للسلام، نص التشريعات، القضاء في جميع المنازعات، اعلان الحرب والسلام،اختيار مستشاريه و التعيينات المدنية.

مواضيع وأفكار هوبز لهما دورا هاما في فهمنا للدول الحديثة. حرية هوبز والتحرر من السيطرة الدينية، شكلت الخطوات الأولى للدولة ليبرالية. مع الاتفاق الذي تم بين المواطنين لمنح تجمع من الناس الحق في الحكم  ظهر الكومنولث الحديث. على الرغم من أن الفكرة الأصلية من هوبزحول السيادة المطلقة غير المحدودة قد اختفت وحلت محلها السيادة المشتركة دستوريا، فإن الجواب على السؤال  لماذا الانصياع لحكم  القانون هو مقترح هوبز: لأن هذا قد تم قبوله من قبل الشعب ؛ لأن طاعة القانون يخدم المصالح الشخصية؛ وتعود بالفائدة على جميع المواطنين وحماية مصالحهم.

مع مرور الوقت، تم تطوير مفهوم السيادة المحدودة والمشتركة، وتم تعزيز الدولة الدستورية والفصل بين السلطات في الدول الغربية. هذه هي الدول الديمقراطية والدستورية والليبرالية، حيث يتم تقسيم السلطة واحترامها وحيث يمارس المواطنون حقوقهم وحرياتهم في الحكم التام للقانون.  إن نقل جزء من سيادة الدولة في العالم الأوروبي إلى المؤسسات فوق القومية مثل الاتحاد الأوروبي والمنظمات الدولية (الناتو والأمم المتحدة) لم تسبب في انتهاك كامل لمفهوم سيادة هذه الدول؛  فهم أنفسهم (الدول الغربية) المصممين لهذه المنظمات.

تاريخ العالم العربي، من القرن السابع وحتى اليوم، مختلف جدا. منذ أن تم غرس مفهوم الإسلام والأمة الإسلامية في المجتمع العربي ، تحولت فكرة الدولة المستقلة نحو أمة إسلامية موحدة. الأمويين، العباسيين، الفاطميين والعثمانيون دعوا لتوحيد الأمة الإسلامية حيث تنازلت الدول العربية (وغير العربية)عن سيادتها إلى الحكومة المركزية. "الدستور" في تلك الأيام، مثل أوروبا في العصور الوسطى، كانت النصوص المقدسة من القرآن الكريم، والذي حدد (كما فسر من قبل السياسيين) حقوق وواجبات المواطنين والحكام. عندما كان العالم الغربي يعاني الثورات المدنية، خطى العالم العربي في أوائل القرن التاسع عشر بالخطوات الأولى للتمرد ضد الحكم العثماني التركي، وطالب بمزيد من الحقوق والحكم الذاتي. مع الحرب العالمية الأولى، وانتهاء الإمبراطورية العثمانية والاحتلال الأوروبي للعالم العربي، لم تعد الأمة الإسلامية في موجودة. منذ ذلك الحين، قام كل بلد بحركات قومية عربية من أجل التحرر وإقامة السيادة الوطنية.

المقارنة بين العالم الغربي والعالم العربي يحاول تسليط الضوء على ما يلي:

-                 بينما كانت الاختلافات الدينية واحدة من العوامل التي ساهمت في الحروب الأوروبية في القرن السابع عشر، دافع العديد من المفكرين مثل هوبز عن فكرة شكل آخر من أشكال السلطة الدينية للوصول إلى السلام الداخلي والخارجي بينما الانحراف عن المبادئ الإسلامية في جانب من جوانب الحكم وتنظيم الدولة، في رأي كثير من المسلمين العرب، هو السبب في هزيمة هذه الأمة. هذه الفكرة واضحة في خطابات كل من الأحزاب السياسية الإسلامية والمنظمات الإسلامية العسكرية.

- على الرغم من أن الدول الأوروبية بعد الحروب (القديمة والحديثة) وجدت الحل لإحلال السلام بين الدول وتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية والاجتماعية في اتحادهم، فشلت الدول العربية لإيجاد حل لإحلال السلام والتنمية في أي اتحاد فوق وطني (الفشل في جمهورية الاتحاد العربي بعد ثلاث سنوات، والاتحاد العربي بعد ستة أشهر، واتحاد الدول العربية بعد أقل من عام).

على الرغم من أن شكلت الدول العربية الجامعة العربية عام 1945, شدد ميثاقها على ضرورة احترام أنظمة الدول الأعضاء ودافع عن استقلالها وسيادتها.هذه الحماية المبالغ لها ما يبررها؛ لكن تجربة الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي تشير إلى أن المرء لا يستطيع أن يعيش في عزلة وأن التنسيق والتكامل الضروري بين البلدان المتجاورة.

وضع هذه الملاحظات في سياق الأفكار هوبز، فإن الحق السيادي قد يفسر النظم الاستبدادية في الدول العربية والتحديات التي تواجه التكامل في شكل من أشكال الاتحاد.

العالم العربي لا تزال يشعر بأنه مهدد من قبل مصالح العالم الغربية والشرقية والدول المجاورة له. الشعور المستمر من التهديد الخارجي، وتهديد الأنظمة والإيديولوجيات المجاورة تبرير القبول العام لهذه الحكومات الاستبدادية. لبنان (الغربية) يشعر بأنه مهدد من قبل سوريا؛ الأردن يشعر هدد من قبل التمديد الشيعة الدينية وأجنداتها السياسية ؛ الخليج يشعر بأنه مهدد من قبل الدولة المجاورة غير العربية (ايران)التي تحتل أراضيه (الجزر)؛ مصر مهددة من الحركات الإسلامية الراديكالية ... والقائمة طويلة وواسعة النطاق.

الحجة التي أريد الدفاع عنها هي أنه في حين قد تخطى العالم الغربي هذه المرحلة من الخوف من التهديدات المجاورة، لا يبدوأن العالم العربي سيخرج من هذه المرحلة قريبا. الاختلافات الأيديولوجية في العالم العربي المتعدد الأقطاب - حيث الدين والسياسة وجهان لعملة واحدة، أصبحت أقوى. مفهوم التخلي عن جزء من السيادة  لاتحاد عربي لا يخدم المصالح السياسية ولا يخفف من القلق العام من الهيمنة الأيديولوجية والدينية أو هيمنة الغربية. الحق السيادي لاعلان الحرب والسلم مع الدول الأخرى هو مقدس تقريبا في هذا الجزء من العالم الذي شهد عدة حروب خلال السنوات ال 60 الماضية، وفقد عدد كبير من الأرواح والأراضي. هذه هي نفس الأنظمة التي شنت الحرب مع جيرانها، وصنعت السلام مع نفس الجيران، بطريقة استبدادية هوبز. باسم حماية المواطنين وإحلال السلام، تحمي الدول العربية سيادتها بشكل مكثف؛ الشعب في الوقت نفسه يفضل أن يكون خاضع لسلطة شبه مطلقة لكنها يمكنها أن تحميه من الاعتداءات الخارجية. مستوى التلاعب لتحقيق المزيد من السلطة السياسية هو واضح حتى عند المواطنين أنفسهم، ولكن كما يقول المثل الإنجليزية "الشيطان الذي تعرفه أفضل من الشيطان الذي لا تعرفه"....

El Premio Rey Abdullah II de Excelencia

Presentación General

         El Premio Rey Abdullah II de Excelencia en Desempeño y Transparencia en el gobierno fue establecido por un Real Decreto en 2002 para desarrollar y mejorar el desempeño de los ministerios e instituciones públicas en el servicio de la comunidad jordana. El Premio es considerado el más alto de excelencia en el sector público a nivel nacional. El Premio tiene como objetivo reforzar el papel del sector público en el servicio a los ciudadanos, promoviendo el conocimiento de los conceptos de gestión de calidad integral y desempeño destacado. Intenta también crear la transformación cualitativa y el desarrollo de la actuación del gobierno y de las instituciones y mejorar la competitividad positiva entre los departamentos e instituciones gubernamentales a través de promover el conocimiento de los conceptos de rendimiento distinguido, la innovación y la calidad. El Premio pretende inculcar el intercambio de conocimientos entre las instituciones y sus historias de éxito en el ámbito de las prácticas administrativas exitosas. Los pilares del Premio son: la orientación al cliente, orientación a resultados y la transparencia y los criterios son: liderazgo, personas, procesos, conocimiento y financia.

Metodología

        El Premio sigue los conceptos fundamentales de la excelencia según la Fundación Europea para la Gestión de Calidad (EFQM): lograr resultados excepcionales; agregar valor para los clientes; liderar con visión, inspiración e integridad; gestión con agilidad; tener éxito a través de personas;  fomentar la creatividad y la innovación; desarrollar la capacidad organizacional; asumir la responsabilidad de un futuro sostenible. El Premio utiliza el mecanismo basado en RADAR, que es la herramienta que se utiliza en el modelo de excelencia de la EFQM.  Esta metodología consta de cuatro elementos: resultados; enfoque; despliegue; evaluación y revisión. El mecanismo de RADAR indica que la institución debe determinar los resultados que se propone alcanzar en el marco de su estrategia; planificar y desarrollar un conjunto integrado de enfoques adecuados para obtener los resultados requeridos; implementar los enfoques de manera sistemática para asegurar la implementación; evaluar y perfeccionar los métodos desplegados basado en el seguimiento y análisis de los resultados obtenidos y las actividades de aprendizaje.

       A base de esto, el Centro del Rey Abdullah de Excelencia – que gestiona el Premio- sigue los siguientes métodos/pasos para evaluar el desempeño de las instituciones, teniendo en cuenta que el Premio está ofrecido para el mejor ministerio, mejor institución pública independiente/ departamento, mejor logro y el funcionario distinguido:

A. Equipo de Evaluadores

     El proceso de evaluación empieza cuando las instituciones que participen en este Premio contestan a las preguntas relacionadas con los criterios y sub-criterios del Premio y mandan un informe  - junto con los documentos necesarios, al Centro del Rey Abdulla de Excelencia. Los miembros evaluadores del Centro estudian los informes que reciben y cada evaluador prepara un informe independiente que incluye los puntos fuertes y las oportunidades de mejora de la institución. Los miembros del equipo evaluador reúnen y deciden sobre un informe sobre el estado del ministerio / institución y preparan un informe consensuado que muestra los puntos fuertes y oportunidades de mejora y los aspectos que deben ser revisados. Luego el equipo de evaluación visita el ministerio / institución con el fin de asegurarse de que lo que se afirma en el informe es correcto, además de la formación de una visión más completa. Después de la visita el equipo prepara un informe final que determina principalmente las fortalezas y oportunidades de mejora, al lado de los grados de la evaluación que se calculan a base de lo que está mencionado en el informe final en una tabla de calculo  asignada a tal efecto.

B. Mystery Shopper

    Al lado del esfuerzo del equipo evaluador, el Centro sigue la ayuda de los mystery shoppers quienes llevan a cabo varias visitas a cada ministerio / institución preguntando sobre diferentes servicios e interaccionando con los funcionarios. El objetivo del mystery shopper  es hacer evaluaciones neutrales, continuas y secretas para los servicios y procedimientos y el desempeño de los funcionarios. El informe del mystery shopper se usa por parte del Centro para mejorar su propia evaluación de la institución en cuestión.

C. Satisfacción de los empleados

El Premio mide  la satisfacción de los trabajadores en las instituciones públicas  a través de un cuestionario basado en las mejores prácticas internacionales, interpretando los resultados en puntuaciones de cada ministerio / institución. Los aspectos del cuestionario son las políticas de la institución/ministerio; satisfacción en el grado de participación de los empleados; motivación; clima de trabajo; y la relación entre  ministerio / institución con las otras instituciones.

D. Satisfacción del Cliente

   El Premio contrae una parte no sesgada para medir la satisfacción de los clientes (ciudadanos, inversores o entidades). Este estudio mide la opinión de los clientes sobre los servicios presentados por la organización a través de un cuestionario basado en las mejores prácticas internacionales, y los resultados se interpretan en las puntuaciones para cada ministerio / institución. Los aspectos del cuestionario son: el grado de satisfacción con el mecanismo de sugerencias y quejas;  grado de satisfacción con la infraestructura de la institución que ofrece el servicio;  grado de satisfacción con las tarifas/honorarios para conseguir el servicio;  grado de satisfacción con el tiempo necesario para recibir el servicio;  grado de satisfacción con los responsables y los funcionarios en la institución; y grado de satisfacción con los procedimientos y directrices.

CV 

E. Cálculo de los resultados finales

    La nota final de evaluación de cada ministerio / institución depende a los cuatro componentes integrados:

·60% del proceso de evaluación - informe de aplicación, que incluye respuestas a preguntas estándares y procesos de evaluación de campo.

·15% para el mystery shopper

·15% de satisfacción del cliente.

·10% de satisfacción de los empleado.

       Al final, el Centro establece un comité especial para examinar los informes finales resultantes de cada uno de los procesos de evaluación y los grados que obtiene cada ministerio/institución, y recomienda al Comité Directivo del Consejo de Administración del Centro los nombres de las instituciones ganadoras. Cada institución recibe al final un informe evaluador que explica como se puede mejorar su desempeño y funcionamiento, adoptar  las normas de la adjudicación para el control de sus sistemas y mejorar el rendimiento de los empleados y de sus relaciones con los clientes de una manera objetiva.

Análisis del Premio

    La iniciativa de Premio del Rey Abdullah de Excelencia es una manifestación de los esfuerzos de la administración jordana para mejorar la calidad, eficacia y eficiencia de sus servicios y desarrollar las capacidades de formar programas. La cultura de evaluación y valoración todavía no es común, sea entre los funcionarios, políticos o ciudadanos. Pocas instituciones tiene unidades o departamentos que intentan estudiar, analizar y evaluar las políticas y programas de sus instituciones, y la orientación hacia la satisfacción de los clientes usuarios y hacia los resultados y la calidad de los servicios sigue siendo limitado y liado con los pocos recursos financieros disponibles. La cultura de calidad, en general, es ausente en muchas instituciones públicas (pero no todas). Varios factores contribuyen a esta realidad, pero son fuera del ámbito de este artículo. Lo que sí puede ser un elemento de contribuir de esta realidad es la ausencia de un sistema de evaluación institucionalizado y/o aplicada en todas las instituciones públicas.

   Por esto, el Premio del Rey Abdullah de Excelencia representa un paso importante hacia una administración pública orientada hacia la evaluación y calidad. Los pilares del Premio de orientaciones al ciudadano, centrándose en los resultados y trabajar de manera transparente componen tres mejores prácticas de los gobiernos modernos. Además, la evaluación se lleva a cabo de acuerdo con las normas internacionales objetivas por expertos, y está apoyada en talleres, seminarios, conferencias y programas de calificación para mejorar los conocimientos de los evaluadores. Sin embargo, el Premio, como un mecanismo de evaluación, tiene unas desventajas:

Premio u Obligación?

  El hecho de que es un premio que se premia las instituciones que eligen participar se vacia el proceso de evaluación del factor de “obligación hacia calidad”. El reconocimiento de la institución  y su  conversión en un modelo para las otras instituciones sirven como un incentivo – aún modesto- para las otras instituciones. Sin embargo, no hay “penalización” u obligación para mejorar ciertos procesos o el desempeño general, y el “premio” en este caso no servirá como un motor para mejorar la calidad del trabajo y servicio de las instituciones publicas.

División de grados/notas

Por otro lado, más que 50% de la evaluación depende a la perspectiva de los evaluadores quienes son apuntados por el Centro del Rey Abdulla, mientras la opinión de los ciudadanos, los empleados y los mystery shoppers tienen juntos el 40% de la nota. El factor humano, sea el cliente o el funcionario, y sus aportaciones deben tener un peso más grande en el proceso de evaluación. Siendo que el Premio se enfoca a la calidad del desempeño y el servicio ofrecido, una valoración más justa de la opinión de los clientes del servicio y sus prestadores puede reflejar una imagen más exacta de la realidad de la institución.

¿Posible corrupción?

La evaluación depende principalmente a la aportación de los evaluadores nombrados por el Centro, y tal como mencionado arriba, su peso es más grande que la opinión de los clientes funcionarios y los shoppers. Siendo que el informe principal que el ministerio o institución manda al Centro está preparado por los jefes o los encargados en tales instituciones, y que estos informes están evaluados y estudiados por un grupo nombrado por el consejo ejecutivo del Centro, la transparencia del proceso puede ser comprometida. 

Criterio no unificado

Comparando el criterio del Premio con los objetivos y declaraciones de misión de un numero de ministerios e instituciones, se nota que los citereos no son idénticos. Cuando el acercamiento al tema de calidad no está unificada ni regulada por una normativa, cada institución puede tener su versión de calidad. Por otro lado, la capacidad, recursos y actividad de las instituciones no son iguales, y estos cambios hacen el proceso de evaluar y premiar desigual. Por ejemplo, el Ministerio de Salud no ganó el Premio nunca, aún el nivel del servicio de salud en el país es muy elevado. Pero las limitaciones de los recursos y las exigencias del sector dificultan el reconocimiento de los esfuerzos del Ministerio. El Ministerio de Planificación y Cooperación Internacional por su parte, que ganó el Premio y fue reconocido en otras organizaciones, tiene la ventaja de tener recursos humanos muy cualificados y el apoyo de la comunidad internacional (como los fondos y ayudas se canalizan a través de ella). Reconocer las diferencias entre las instituciones y unificar y regular el concepto de calidad puede hacer el proceso más justo, transparente y claro.

Para concluir, el Premio es un paso un la correcta dirección para introducir la evaluación de las instituciones y sus servicios y programas como un proceso necesario para mejorar la calidad del trabajo y el desempeño de las actividades.  Las instituciones públicas intentan mejorar la calidad de sus servicios y su desempeño a base de los informes que reciben y la calificación de las opiniones de los clientes usuarios y funcionarios. Para un país en vía de desarrollo, este modelo de evaluación basado a normativas y buenas prácticas internacionales debe ser el primer bloque hacia la construcción de un sistema de evaluación comprehensiva de todas las actividades, servicios, políticas, programas  y agendas públicas. Conformar con el “honor de ser premiado” perjudicará el principio del iniciativo y le hará inútil.

The Nationality Business

    Famous is the Spanish government’s offer of granting Spanish residency permits to foreigners who alleviate the country’s economic burdens. Introduced in September 2013, a new law rewards those who buy property worth more than €500,000, invest €1 million or more in shares of publicly traded Spanish companies, deposit at least €1 million in a Spanish bank account or make a major business investment leading to job creation a one year visa, extendable to two years, and renewable thereafter. Spain-lovers from across the world can now buy themselves a residency in the land of fun and sun. The generosity does not stop there. Another interesting gesture, this time orchestrated by the Spanish Justice Minister, Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón, was drafting a bill that would grant Sephardic Jews the Spanish nationality. The bill, which stills needs ratification by the parliament, aims at righting what the government has called a grievous error when Jews were expelled by the Reyes Católicos in 1492, compensating their loss by granting them a Spanish passport without any condition of renouncing their original nationality. The justice Minister said in an interview at The New York Times in March[1] that he anticipated that “more than 150,000 people, scattered in the Sephardic Jewish diaspora, would seek Spanish citizenship under the measure”.

    Interesting. So far, the government, under the first scheme, and according to an El País report[2], has issued 81 visas on the basis of people meeting the law’s requirements, 72 of whom bought property in the country. Almost half of the new residents are Chinese and Russian millionaires, the remaining being Ukrainian, Lebanese, Qatari, Egyptian and Iranian, among others. The government’s figures suggest that the new visa holders will have spent at least €43 million on property, along with at least a further €6 million on purchasing bonds. It adds that the visa scheme will have created around 640 jobs, and around €40 million in investments, mainly in high-tech industries. Under the second scheme, and according to a Jerusalem Post[3] report, the Spanish Justice Ministry had already registered some 3,000 applications and many more are expected to follow.

   As noble as both legislations appear to be, the hidden reasons behind them are not. Granting residency permits on the basis of economic considerations cheapens the concept of pertaining to a nation and forming part of its society. Thousands of immigrants arrive to Spain from African countries looking for opportunities to improve their economic conditions and form part of the labour force (skilled or not) at the same time. Why are these immigrants not easily granted the residency permit? Why are they shot dead at Spanish shores? Why are modest African salesmen who try to start their humble businesses forced into a life of hide-out and illegality (in terms of not obtaining the required documents not in terms of business substance nor nature)? Any resident in Spain – legal resident – understands the bureaucracy and headache that is applying for a residency; why would a €500,000 check make it an easier one? And once this investor is given a residency, why cannot he /she get a work permit in the first year? Why can’t his/her family get a residency as well? Are they a mere piggy bank that serves the sole purpose of injecting money into the country? Instead of rewarding these international billionaires and betting on their investment interests, why not seriously try to boost local businesses and ease unnecessary and complicated measures that hinder entrepreneurial ambitions of Spanish nationals? The meagre number of those who actually applied and obtained the residency under the first scheme is an indication of the very poor and insulting logic behind it. Even if it did save a contractor or two by selling a number of houses, the economy is far from being saved and the seriousness of residency regulations has been much much compromised.

   Now, the second scheme, that of the Jews that were wrongly expulsed from Spain. Apart from the very late apology and quite bizarre compensation, why is the measure racist? What about the Muslims/Arabs who were expelled? Those are not allowed to apply for a nationality? Why is that? Did they not lose their property when they left in the fifteenth century? Did they not have to surrender to the catholic kings and were forced to either convert or leave? Did they not suffer? Or is suffering exclusive to the Jewish nation? And as humanitarian as the plan appears to be, the Justice Minister clearly stated the real reasons lying behind it: the measure, according to him, “does not only intend to repair an injustice done to Jews, but also to repair Spain, where Jewish contributions to art, science and literature flourished before the expulsion”. There is another thing that flourished before the expulsion Minister Gallardón: the economy. The Jewish community, now and then, enjoys excellent financial credentials that come at a very critical time in Spanish history. Ms. Weiss-Tamir (an Israeli lawyer who specializes in applications for citizenship in European countries[4]) explained that just as Jewish applicants are interested in Spanish citizenship for sentimental and family reasons, some Israelis are eager to open businesses in Spain. Michael Freund[5], in the same Jerusalem Post report cited above said that “the prospect of forging anew a link with potentially millions of people of Sephardi ancestry, and the possible windfall that might ensue as a result of increased investment and tourism, was surely not lost on the decision-makers in Madrid when considering the citizenship bill”. He explained that the Sephardic Diaspora can be viewed as a large pool with the potential to benefit the economy provided that it settles and invests.

    Ok, I am generally not against the notion of sealing a deal with the devil himself if that would bring good to people. But things must be called with their proper names. Spain is suffering and needs to use every trick in the book and come up with all sorts of solutions. But don’t lie about your motives please. Remembering in 2012 (when bill was first introduced) to right the wrongs did against the Jewish community is an insult to the intelligence of everyone, Jews being first. Rewarding people with a residency in return for money is actually a commercial deal: give me money I will give you legal rights. Observed from the outside, the Spanish government looks desperate and unethical. Coming clean with the real and hidden motives and going forward with the decisions nonetheless is a lesser evil. Business is business, nothing more, nothing less.

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[1]http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/20/world/europe/many-seek-spanish-citizenship-offered-to-sephardic-jews.html?_r=0

[2] http://elpais.com/elpais/2014/05/23/inenglish/1400837712_504456.html

[3] http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Columnists/Fundamentally-Freund-From-expulsion-to-expediency-Spain-the-Jews-and-Israel-341941

[4]http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/14/world/europe/interest-in-israel-as-spain-weighs-citizenship-for-sephardic-jews.html

[5] Founder and chairman of Shavei.